International action is urgently needed on these issues.
In recent years, the trend of democratic backsliding has been a troubling one which has been particularly apparent in Eastern Europe. Following the collapse of the USSR in 1991, many post-Soviet states countries such as Moldova were portrayed as shining examples of democratic transitions. Many of these are now grappling with the continued erosion of democratic norms, the disintegration of state institutions and endemic corruption risking their democratic essence. This phenomenon goes beyond the question of the democratic principles that are expected to drive these nations, posing a significant risk to the sovereignty of citizens. Urgent action is required to restore democratic decision-making power to the people and is one of the central reasons the Our Future Our Choice (OFOC) community was formed.
Democratic backsliding has been defined by scholars as the gradual weakening of democratic institutions and norms, more often than not facilitated by ostensibly democratically elected leaders that exploit the existing legal frameworks in order to consolidate power for indefinite periods of time.
This phenomenon has and continues to manifest itself in various forms, including attacks on a country’s journalists, its judiciary, civil society organizations, and electoral processes. One clear example of such backsliding, which has, since the country’s recently delayed election interested many a human rights activist, is Moldova.
Once considered a beacon of hope for the future of the democratic process in Eastern Europe, Chisinau has been facing an ongoing crisis of democratic legitimacy. In the recent parliamentary elections, the government’s “sweeping restrictive measures” in the words of an OECD report, cast serious doubt on the very existence of electoral process. For those unfamiliar, the current government, which paints itself as a custodian of European values and democratic norms, made the decision to ban the country’s largest opposition party, the Chance Party from partaking in the election a mere days before election day. It is evident to all who follow Moldovan politics the extent to which this reeks of political manipulation and undermines the very principles of free and fair elections.
The banning of Chance, not only deprived Moldovan citizens of their fundamental democratic right to choose from a diverse range of political options; it was a blatant disregard for democratic norms. This was described by many as both undermining the credibility of the electoral process alongside eroding public trust in what was the current government’s commitment to democratic (and European) principals. It is one thing to secretly manipulate an election. But when citizens are so overtly denied the opportunity to express their political preferences freely, and the free world remains silent, one cannot help but question the latter’s true commitment to the very essence of democracy or if democracy is not simply being employed as a tool for political elites to push political agendas.
The Chance Party’s exclusion from the Moldovan parliamentary elections is a stark illustration of the challenges facing democracy in Eastern Europe more broadly. The Chance Party emerged as a promising force for political change, advocating for anti-corruption measures and putting the people of Moldova and their needs first. The exclusion, therefore, was widely criticized as a thinly veiled attempt by the ruling party to stifle political competition and consolidate its grip on power.
Depriving Moldovan citizens their democratic right to vote for an alternative of their choice to the incumbent regime is simply not the way democratic competition works and was a blatant disregard for democratic norms. Looking at Eastern Europe, the lack of action from the European human rights community sent a chilling message down the spine of opposition groups and civil society organizations on the continent. Despite the ban reinforcing concerns about the erosion of political pluralism and the shrinking space for democratic participation in Moldova, those citizens who care about human rights and democratic norms are now completely disillusioned and disenfranchised.
Moldova was once hailed as a potential success story of democratic transition with many a European leader mentioning the potential the country has to become the next EU member state, particularly in light of the ongoing Ukraine war. Instead, Moldova now finds itself grappling with the challenges of both democratic backsliding and political regression.
Moldovan authorities must understand however, that allowing political pluralism and ensuring a level playing field for all political actors is essential for the functioning of a healthy democracy. This must be the baseline for any conversation surrounding European ascension. It is the expectation of civil society organizations such as OFOC that the international community remain vigilant in monitoring developments and supporting efforts to strengthen democratic governance in the country, before it is too late.
Another telling example of democratic backsliding in Eastern Europe which was unfortunately not addressed in time and which has now become a political reality to be grappled with is the story of Belarus and “President” Alexander Lukashenko. Referred to by many as “Europe’s last dictator,” Lukashenko has clung to power since 1994 when his position was established. Along the way he has created a “catastrophic human rights situation”, by actively suppressing political opposition and dissent with the help of his vast array of authoritarian means. The 2020 presidential elections were widely condemned as fraudulent by observers, and as many know, sparked mass protests across the country. This was a result of the fact that Lukashenko claimed victory with the help of an implausible landslide, as many a dictator does.
The government subsequently had a violent crackdown on protesters, arbitrarily arresting human rights activists alongside many allegations of torture by Lukashenko’s henchmen. This underscored for many his regime’s disregard for democracy and human rights principles, and should be a tell-tale sign of what authoritarian regimes will do when left with unchecked power. As is known, and has been warned about, the erosion of democracy is often accompanied by a deterioration of human rights, rule of law, and socio-economic conditions. As has also been seen in Moldova, citizens find themselves increasingly vulnerable to government abuse and corruption, with limited avenues for recourse, especially when the international community takes such little interest. As democratic institutions weaken, the protection of citizens’ rights and freedoms follows a similarly bleak trend.
Political scientist Nancy Bermeo aptly put it when she said, “Democratic backsliding threatens citizens’ rights, corrodes the rule of law, and undermines social trust.” As we noted at the beginning, dangers of democratic erosion extend far beyond the realm of politics and strike at the very heart of citizen sovereignty. When governments prioritize their own power and interests over the peoples’ will, democracy becomes a hollow facade, devoid of meaning and purpose.
International action is urgently needed on these issues. Civil society organizations must remain both brave and vigilant but there is only so much they can do alone. Their utmost priority must remain defending democratic norms and holding governments accountable with or without external support! With international support sorely lacking, grassroots movements, independent media, and civil society organizations must play a supporting role offsetting authoritarian encroachment.
A blind eye cannot be turned to this phenomenon. Conditionality measures, including diplomatic pressure and targeted sanctions, when possible, are effective tools in incentivizing state actors to respect democratic norms and adhere to principles of rule of law.
Ultimately, the fight against democratic backsliding is a battle which is in our court. It must be a collective endeavour. Citizens, civil society organizations, and the international community must be active participants in this common cause. Citizens of democratic societies must stand strongly and united to defend against threats from within and without. Reclaiming democratic decision-making power and reaffirming sovereignty is the only thing that will ensure a future where democracy thrives and autocracy no longer sees the light of day.
Alexander Dubček, a prominent figure in the revolutionary movement for post-Soviet democratic reforms in Czechoslovakia once said, “Freedom is not worth having if it does not include the freedom to make mistakes.” We must heed his wise words and stand united in the defence of democracy, for it is only through our collective efforts that we can and will overcome the scourge of democratic backsliding and build a brighter future.
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